Chapter 3
Invention of Ownership Societies
Part 2
The chapter continues to talk about moderate versus extreme suggestions made before and after the revolution. The inequality that resulted after the revolution was justified by mostly touting the ending of serfdom and by the possibility of utter chaos if alternatives other than proprietariansim is considered.
Chapter 4
Ownership Societies: The case of France
This chapter presents inferences from the detailed property data available after the revolution. It shows inequality skyrocketing in the 19th century. In the Belle Epoque between 1880-1914, it was extremely high with top decile owning 80%. In Paris it was even more pronounced. For example, nobody owned a single apartment. People either owned an entire building or were simply renters for life. Huge chunk of the population died without having anything to pass on to the next generation. Progressive tax was discussed but never implemented. Sophisticated financial instruments like stocks and foreign investment became vehicles of preserving wealth and generating income. The inequality seemingly reduced from the Patrimonial Middle Class which rose with some mobility.
Literature especially Balzac paints vivid picture of the rise and fall of enterprising individuals and the obsession with money and property. The Ownership society was obviously inegalitarian.
From parallel reading of Seymour Papert, it is clear how the education system managed to sabotage the use of computers in the last 40 years to maintain the inequality and status quo. Byju's is cracking down on any criticism in the social media, giving a clear current example of how the wealthy and powerful will force their systems on the rest which will ensure that the inequality is preserved.
Tomorrow will finish this chapter and move onto the case study of England and Sweden as alternate trajectories into ownership society.
Invention of Ownership Societies
Part 2
The chapter continues to talk about moderate versus extreme suggestions made before and after the revolution. The inequality that resulted after the revolution was justified by mostly touting the ending of serfdom and by the possibility of utter chaos if alternatives other than proprietariansim is considered.
Chapter 4
Ownership Societies: The case of France
This chapter presents inferences from the detailed property data available after the revolution. It shows inequality skyrocketing in the 19th century. In the Belle Epoque between 1880-1914, it was extremely high with top decile owning 80%. In Paris it was even more pronounced. For example, nobody owned a single apartment. People either owned an entire building or were simply renters for life. Huge chunk of the population died without having anything to pass on to the next generation. Progressive tax was discussed but never implemented. Sophisticated financial instruments like stocks and foreign investment became vehicles of preserving wealth and generating income. The inequality seemingly reduced from the Patrimonial Middle Class which rose with some mobility.
Literature especially Balzac paints vivid picture of the rise and fall of enterprising individuals and the obsession with money and property. The Ownership society was obviously inegalitarian.
From parallel reading of Seymour Papert, it is clear how the education system managed to sabotage the use of computers in the last 40 years to maintain the inequality and status quo. Byju's is cracking down on any criticism in the social media, giving a clear current example of how the wealthy and powerful will force their systems on the rest which will ensure that the inequality is preserved.
Tomorrow will finish this chapter and move onto the case study of England and Sweden as alternate trajectories into ownership society.
No comments:
Post a Comment